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Where Do I Get Viagra In DelhiIf you’re anything like me, you’ve been obsessed with the current struggle in the Senate over the confirmation of Brett Kavanaugh to replace the retiring Justice Anthony Kennedy on the US Supreme Court. (In fact, things are moving so swiftly that his nomination may be resolved, one way or another, by the time you read this!)

Kavanaugh represents an opportunity for conservatives to solidify a hold on the Court, with the ultimate goal of overturning the much-hated Roe v Wade, which has kept abortion legal nationwide since 1973. Indeed, it is widely believed that the endgame for American conservatives consists solely in opposition to Roe, and that the Republican Party has been willing to accept any moral compromise and excuse any outrage in the service of achieving the goal of eliminating abortion from the American landscape.

Republican duplicity in this goal includes Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s nefarious refusal to consider Merrick Garland (Barack Obama’s nominee to replace the late Justice Antonin Scalia on the Court), holding the seat open for an unprecedented 422 days, enough time for the election of Donald Trump, a fool and a dupe willing to nominate whatever name extreme conservatives whisper in his ear. And they’ve been whispering–nay, shouting–for Brett Kavanaugh.

But how the hell did we get to this place? The Supreme Court has always had political implications, but until 30 years ago, the replacement of a retiring or deceased Justice was largely an uncontroversial affair. Now, Senate hearings are witness to weeping and gnashing of teeth, shouting and bitter tirades. Perhaps even more unsettling is the Court’s increasing tendency in recent years to step into the political arena and try to resolve issues that would have been better left to other processes.

To help understand the personalities on the current Court, and the historical backdrop that led to the Court’s current roster, I highly recommend David Kaplan’s new book Does Cipro Get Rid Of Urinary Tract Infection: Inside the Supreme Court’s Assault on the Constitution. In it, Kaplan traces the confirmation processes of all nine current Justices, and looks at the most influential rulings in recent years (including Bush v Gore, Citizens United and Obergefell v Hodges).

While Kaplan devotes time to the increasing insistence by both the Left and the Right for presidents to nominate ideologues (people say they want Justices who will correctly interpret the Constitution, but let’s face it, what they really want is Justices who will rule based on political desires).

But what really keeps Kaplan up at night is the more-and-more frequent inclination of the Court to step in and decide things before, in his view, the regular legislative or electoral processes have had a chance to resolve them. Kaplan argues that Court rulings can be seen as activist, elitist, and overbearing; whereas outcomes arrived at (albeit belatedly) due to legislative processes have more democratic and societal legitimacy. It’s a compelling idea. Had the Court, for example, stayed out of Bush v Gore and allowed the election to go to the House of Representatives (as prescribed by the Constitution), perhaps fewer people who complain that Bush was “selected” by five robed judges. Perhaps a delayed recount would have found enough votes to put Al Gore over the top. Who knows? On the flip side, it’s hard to imagine that religious conservatives would be less rabid about abortion if the Court had demurred in Roe v Wade and allowed the status of state-by-state abortion to become a patchwork of experimentation, with some states outlawing it outright, and others even providing taxpayer dollars to provide abortion on demand to lower income women.

In any event, the danger we face in 2018 is that the Court is becoming more politicized, both internally and externally, with every open seat viewed as an existential crisis by all sides, and with the Court becoming increasingly willing to tinker where previously it feared to tread. What used to be a brake on the republic’s worst tendencies might become a chamber of elites who rule by fiat, with less and less concern about the “technicalities” of the Constitution. Indeed, the Court might well become our government’s “most dangerous branch.”

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RIP Senator John McCain, who has died after a long battle with brain cancer. There’s no doubt that McCain was a patriot. He lived a life of service, from his time in the US Navy (including 5 1/2 brutal years in a North Vietnamese prison during the Vietnam War) to his long tenure as a Congressman and Senator.

McCain was outspoken and brash, often going against the Republican party line. He had his clashes with Donald Trump (Trump having infamously poopooed McCain’s wartime service by saying that he liked “heroes who didn’t get captured”), and word is that McCain requested that Cadet Bone Spurs be banned from his upcoming funeral.

Despite his long record of patriotism and service, McCain’s most enduring legacy will be–sadly–his brief but tragic embrace of the crazytown wing of the Republican Party, which led ultimately to the election of Donald Trump in 2016. Back in 2000, during his first presidential run, McCain publicly and rightly criticized Christian conservatives like Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell as “How To Buy Viagra Pills,” incensing the Republican base and handing George W. Bush the perfect bat with which to beat him. McCain dialed back his rhetoric, but it was too late, and Bush went on to serve two disastrous terms as president.

Fast forward to the presidential race of 2008: McCain, struggling to catch up to his opponent, then-fellow-Senator Barack Obama, made a fateful decision to select the obscure Alaskan Governor Sarah Palin (which shored up his support with the redneck demographic) rather than go with conservative Democrat Joe Lieberman (a truly maverick move that would have touted McCain as a statesman determined to buck the trend of increasing partisanship in Washington). McCain’s gambit worked in the short term: his poll numbers rose, but he ultimately lost the race (he would have lost no matter which way he went). There’s no doubt Palin–a photogenic conservative Christian with plenty of charisma–energized the base in a way the staid, low-energy Lieberman never could have.

And here’s where the tragedy of John McCain begins. Depending on which narrative you believe, either McCain’s campaign managers hastily selected the magnetic, folksy Palin, only to discover too late her brand of smug know-nothingism, dangerous jingoism, and (eventually) her delusional conviction that she and only she knew what was best for the campaign, OR McCain knew full-well what kind of running mate he was getting, and through some sort of Machiavellian calculus, figured he could control the rabid factions of the Republican base long enough to get their vote, after which he could do what Republican presidents since Reagan had done: give lip service to Christian conservatives, but deliver little of substance that mattered to them. Where were they going to go, over to the Democrats?

McCain fully realized his error even during the campaign. He struggled to put the genie back in the bottle, but it was too late. And it was a low point in McCain’s political career, from his cringeworthy encounter with a Republican voter who insisted that Obama was “an Arab” by which she meant a Muslim) to the embarrassing boos and hisses of his election night supporters when he tried to deliver a dignified concession speech that called for unity across party lines and support for the new Democratic, African-American president.

Since then, the various insane factions of the Republican Party have been on the rise. Call them the Moral Majority, call them the Tea Party, call them the alt-right, call them Trumpsters, call them whatever you want, the deplorable base of the GOP is in full control of the party, and no amount of logic, evidence, or pleas for reason will dissuade them from the notion that Donald Trump is America’s savior, and that his profound ignorance, rampant corruption, anti-diplomacy, infatuation with murderous dictators, and inability to control his basest urges, are all worth it if conservatives can reclaim the Supreme Court, guarantee guns on demand of any type for any reason, make life miserable for Mexicans and Muslims and blacks and gays, and console themselves with the lies that global warming is a hoax, that the country can progress without levying taxes, and that if only we could say “Merry Christmas” during the holidays we would all be happy and prosperous again.

Now, John McCain didn’t make all that happen. It almost certianly would have happened without his help. But McCain made a devil’s bargain in 2008 that the country has been paying for ever since. Although he quickly realized his error, and has since expressed regret for it, he elevated and validated the Sarah Palins of the world, and accelerated the rise of the dangerously fascistic core of the GOP, and this is something Americans will have to contend with for decades, if not generations to come. There’s hope that we can begin to claw our way back to sanity in the 2018 midterms, and perhaps also during the 2020 election cycle, and I find it very sad that John McCain won’t live to see any of that happen.

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Zanaflex CheapAre you an atheist wanting to up your game when debating with Christians about the inerrancy of the Bible? You need to read Bart Ehrman.

Are you a devout Christian wanting to understand how anyone could NOT believe that the Bible is the complete, inerrant, historically accurate word of God? You need to read Bart Ehrman.

Are you just a history buff interested in learning more about the early Christian era and/or how we know what we know about the Bible? You need to read Bart Ehrman.

Dr. Bart Ehrman, in case you don’t know, is a New Testament scholar, the James A. Gray Distinguished Professor at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. He was, as he has told countless times, a devout evangelical fundamentalist Christian until he went to college and starting learning the truth about the Bible and its history. (He now describes himself as agnostic.) Dr. Ehrman earned his PhD at Princeton and for many years, in addition to his regular academic duties, has written books for the lay audience about the Bible and the early Christian history.

[For those interested in a deeper dive, we interviewed Dr. Ehrman three times on the American Freethought Podcast (in Buy Viagra Direct From Pfizer Online, Cialis Para Venta Al Mayoreo and Valtrex Online Prescription). Also, see my review of Ehrman’s Does Lasix Help Pass A Drug Test.]

Ehrman’s most recent work is Viagra Canada Discount Code: How a Forbidden Religion Swept the World. The question Ehrman is trying to answer here is, “How did a tiny offshoot of Roman-era Judaism become the dominant religion of the Roman Empire (and therefore, of the entire Western world)?” The subtitle of the book is definitely misleading (and, I’d be willing to bet, not chosen by Ehrman), since one of the main points he makes is that, counter to the standard Christian narrative of the nascent religion resisting and eventually triumphing over broad-ranging, persistent and vicious suppression by Roman authorities, early Christianity instead grew slowly but steadily and was never really subject to any kind of seriously implemented empire-wide ban. Were Christians martyred by the Romans? Yes, but as Ehrman points out, the number of documented executions of Christians for being Christian numbers in the hundreds (perhaps only a few thousand), spread out over three or four centuries. Roman persecutions were piecemeal, and often consisted of little more than an imperial decree subsequently ignored across most of the vast territory controlled by Rome.

How Christianity became the official religion of the Roman Empire, and how it finally extinquished the pagan system that had thrived for millennia, is complicated and certainly open to interpretation. And not to spoil Ehrman’s book (which is absolutely worth your time), but the “triumph” of Christianity can be attributed to a number of factors:

Christianity was evangelical; i.e. gaining new converts was baked into the religion from its earliest days. The pagans of the ancient Mediterranean generally had no interest in gaining converts for whatever gods they worshipped; indeed, the Roman world is notable for its impressively diverse, and generally tolerated, set of religious beliefs.

Christianity, unlike pagan religions, was supported by scriptures, which provided a transmittable foundation of belief.

Christianity was exclusive. Nobody in the Roman world (except for Judaism) cared if you worshipped, for example, both Artemis and Neptune, or stopped worshipping Artemis to take up with another god, etc. (Although, it’s true the Romans insisted that everyone observe certain periodic, minimal religious sacrifices at the behest of the state, which is where Christians usually ran afoul of the authorities.) So…once someone accepted Christ they (more or less) automatically stopped worshipping other gods.

Christianity coupled morality with religion in a way that paganism did not. In the Roman world, morality was a matter for philosophers, not priests. The gods of Greece and Roman were personalities with good and bad traits, little different than the humans who invented them. Christianity insisted on a moral system that was (supposedly) dictated from on high.

Christianity upped the ante in terms of the afterlife. Most Roman citizens thought appeasing the gods was done for the purpose of gaining their favor in earthly life, with little consideration for an afterlife. Christianity, on the other hand, offered an eternal life of bliss in Heaven, or conversely threatened an eternity of torture for rejecting Christ.

After Christianity gained a foothold among the elites–particularly the emperors–it wielded the power of the state for the benefit of the church in a way that paganism had almost never done. Christian emperors, as well as governors and local magistrates, eventually used the sword to suppress competing religions and ultimately spelled the doom of religious practices that had persisted for a thousand years.

Ehrman also points to a general belief in miracles in the ancient world, and how this made the populace susceptible to a new religion that made extraordinary (but unsupported) claims of miraculous events.

Finally, Ehrman explains how Christianity “exploded” mostly through a steady trickle of conversions that build–like compound interest–until, within a matter of a few decades, followers of Jesus increased from mere dozens in the first century to millions by the end of the fourth.

Those are the broad strokes. Ehrman, as usual, provides a narrative readily comprehended by a lay reader, peppered with interesting anecdotes, historical asides, and dry humor.

Highly recommended.

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At 9:00 tonight, President Trump will announce his pick to replace retiring Justice Anthony Kennedy on the Supreme Court. This replacement is almost guaranteed to be approved by the Republican dominated Senate, barring some unforeseen and shocking revelation. This replacement is also guaranteed to be a partisan instrument for conservatives who have (brilliantly, in retrospect) played a long game for the last 40 years or so to win Congress, a majority of state legislatures, a majority of governor’s seats, and now the Presidency, and thereby stack state and federal courts with conservative judges.

All for the purpose of ending abortion rights.

This new justice means that Kennedy’s swing-vote will no longer be in play. For the first time in a long time, SCOTUS will have a solid majority of conservatives. (Thanks, it has to be pointed out, to voters who bizarrely thought that former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was somehow MORE corrupt than Trump and a LESSER choice.)

So now SCOTUS will no longer be the godsend (pun intended) to progressive causes it has been over the last few decades. SCOTUS has been responsible for safeguarding abortion rights, LGBT rights, equal protection under the law, etc.–a great many Constitutional causes in which the legislative branch has failed us. But no longer. Progressive organizations would be foolish to challenge things in court for years to come.

Until the tide turns, how bad could it get? Pretty bad, it turns out. Grab a stiff drink and/or your favorite plush toy, because I’m about to depress you.

Expect, in the immediate future, to see an avalanche of blatantly anti-abortion legislation to pop up in dozens of states, for the purpose of triggering lawsuits that will percolate up to the new conservative-dominated SCOTUS. Up to this point, Republican lawmakers have mostly satisfied themselves with petty, disingenuous, so-called TRAP (Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers) laws. These are laws that on the surface claim to increase medical safety, but are really intended to bankrupt abortion providers or harass them into going out of business. The need for such nibbling aroung the edges of Roe v Wade is over. State legislatures will now try to ban abortions outright, hoping that they will win at SCOTUS. And again, progressive organizations should think twice about bringing challenges they are likely to lose and thereby generate precedents that could haunt us in the future.

(Of course, I should point out that overturning Roe v Wade does NOT mean that abortion will be illegal nationwide. If SCOTUS overturns Roe, the right to an abortion will simply devolve to the States, in which case the US will become a patchwork with respect to the right to choose. A disaster, yes, but not as bad as it could be.)

And it’s not just abortion. Expect legislatures to begin passing radically conservative regulation on a number of issues near and dear to conservative hearts.

We should also not assume that this is the end of Trump’s imprint on the Court. Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg is 85 years old. Sad to say, her health cannot last much longer, and in the event that she dies or becomes unable to continue in her duties, that’s a THIRD seat that Cadet Bone Spurs will get to fill.

There have also been rumors that Justice Clarence “Chatterbox” Thomas, currently 70 years old, is considering retiring. There have been reports for years that Thomas just flat-out hates being a Justice, and it would not surprise me if he decides to retire in the near future, especially if he thinks Trump won’t win re-election. Thomas could retire from his misery while consoling himself with the knowledge that his replacement will be a fellow arch-conservative.

Finally, Justice Stephen Breyer (a Clinton appointee), is 79. If–perish the thought–Trump wins re-election in 2020, he could have the unprecedented opportunity to name FIVE justices to the Supreme Court. (Of course, Trump himself is 72 and not exactly known for a healthy lifestyle. All this speculation could go out the window if Trump himself dies or becomes incapacitated.)

So, yeah, if Trump continues as President, and especially if he wins re-election, things will get pretty fucking bad for the Supreme Court. A conservative supermajority, held by a relatively young cadre of justices, will mean that for the next THIRTY YEARS the Supreme Court might as well not exist if you’re hoping to use it as a safeguard for liberal democracy and progressive causes.

Meanwhile, what can we do to hasten the turn of the tide? Plenty, it turns out.

  1. Encourage your Senators and congressthings (even if they’re Republican) to OPPOSE any judicial appointments by Trump. Period. This may be futile in the short-run, but it is important to make your political voice heard, early and often. Lawmakers do occasionally pay attention to their constituents.
  2. Vote Democratic. Not Libertarian. Not Green. And not “Well, I don’t like any of the candidates, so I’m not voting.” That’s bullshit. Democrats have warts, but right now the character of this nation is under existential threat, and that threat appears on the ballot with “(R)” after its name. Oh, and give money to the Democrats to the extent you can afford it. And volunteer. And participate in protests.
  3. Become conversationally intolerant. I’m not saying shoot your mouth off at work and get fired. But if you find yourself at a dinner party, or a family gathering, or standing in line at the grocery store, whatever, and someone spouts Republican/Trumpian talking points in your direction, bring the conversation to a halt until you’ve made it clear that you disagree, and why. The conservatives around you need to know the truth, and they also need to know that not everyone shares their misguided opinions. Too often, bullies think that because nobody ever says anything in opposition to them, they must be right. Disabuse them of that notion.
  4. Vote with your wallet. Do not knowingly patronize any business associated with Trump, with Republicans, or with retrograde causes. You can’t know this about every person or business you come into contact with, but if they’ve made their positions clear, they’ve made it easier for you to know where to, and where not to, spend your money.

There’s lots more to be said, but this essay has gone on long enough. It’s not an exaggeration to say that we are in a crisis, one that’s not likely to end until at least January 2021. But we can (hopefully) claw back the House of Representatives in November, with a teensy weensy chance we could claw back enough seats in the Senate to effectively challenge dangerous judicial nominations and cripple Trump for his last two years in office. We’re not dead yet.

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This series of posts is adapted from a presentation I delivered to the Atlanta Freethought Society on May 13, 2018. I should offer the following caveats: I am neither an historian nor a scholar; therefore, this information is admittedly incomplete and may contain errors. I welcome any corrections or comments.

Part 10: 9/11 and the 21st Century

Although American Muslims track very closely with their Christian counterparts in terms of level of education, household income, crime rate, etc., the popular perception of Muslims by mainstream America has been shaped mostly by racism, xenophobia, religious bigotry and downright ignorance.

In the aftermath of the devastating terrorist attacks of 9/11, American perception of Muslims (whether citizens or not) has only gotten worse. There’s no arguing that the worldwide Muslim community has an ongoing terrorism problem, but it’s also a fact that, since 9/11, you are far more likely to be a victim of white Christian terrorism on American soil than Islamic terrorism. None of this has been helped by the fact that, for decades, Muslims have been depicted quite narrowly by liberal Hollywood and the national news media as barbarians, terrorists or oil sheiks, or if you’re a woman, as a harem girl, a belly dancer, or a burka-encased cypher.

Since 9/11 America’s relationship with its Muslim citizens has been a mixed bag. George W. Bush admirably resisted labeling all Muslims as terrorists, but he also inaccurately declared that “Islam is peace”. And it’s still shocking to me—pleasantly shocking—that we Americans were able to overcome our post-9/11 panic regarding anything Islamic, enough to elect a man with the decidedly Muslim name of Barack Hussein Obama (a man with a Protestant-turned-agnostic white mother and a Muslim-turned-atheist black father), a man who spent some of his formative years in Muslim-majority Indonesia.

But, the pendulum swings, and in 2016 it swung hard to the right, with the election of Donald Trump, a man with no political experience who ran on a platform that included a “total ban on Muslims entering America.” This campaign promise has manifested itself as three successive travel bans that affect several Muslim-majority countries.It’s interesting to note that no Muslim terrorist on American soil has ever come from any of the countries on the current ban.

This ban has traveled through the courts like a toxic pinball, and was finally argued before the Supreme Court just last month. (The safe bet is that the conservative majority on the Court will side with the president, and will claim that the president has wide latitude when it comes to immigration policy and national security, even if those policies are not grounded in reality and cannot be shown to have any substantive benefit in protecting America against terrorism.)

And so here we are. Muslim Americans are just Americans. They’re laborers and legislators, scientists and teachers, businesspeople and entertainers, heroes and cowards, and a few, as we know, have been terrorists.

Muslim Americans will likely experience the same generational cycle as all Americans who came before: the first generation will struggle to find their place in America; their children will be largely assimilated into the American mainstream; and THEIR grandchildren as well as OURS will wonder what the fuss was all about.

END

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This series of posts is adapted from a presentation I delivered to the Atlanta Freethought Society on May 13, 2018. I should offer the following caveats: I am neither an historian nor a scholar; therefore, this information is admittedly incomplete and may contain errors. I welcome any corrections or comments.

Part 9: Asians, Arabs and Changes in US Immigration Policy

So far I’ve talked almost exclusively about the experience of European Americans and African Americans when it comes to Islam in America. We’ve seen that nearly all Muslim Africans brought over as part of the slave trade either converted to Christianity or had to suppress their faith, thus failing to pass it on to the next generation.

We’ve also seen that Americans of European extraction almost never embraced Islam.

You’re probably wondering why I haven’t spoken more about Arab-Americans or Asian-Americans. In short, it’s because of the way American immigration policy evolved from the beginning of the Republic through the middle of the 20thcentury.

From the ratification of the Constitution in 1788 until after the Civil War, full citizenship and full participation in political life was limited to free white men. The Naturalization Act of 1790 limited citizenship to “free white persons” of good character. Further laws and refinements were passed in 1795, 1798 and 1803, but they still only applied to free whites. The 14thAmendment granted citizenship to anyone born within the United States, regardless of race, but it had little effect on Asians and Arabs because there were so few living in America in the 1860s.

The Naturalization Act of 1870 extended to “aliens of African nativity and to persons of African descent.” This applied not just to sub-Saharan Africa, but to the Mediterranean coast as well, which was populated mostly by Muslim Arabs and related ethnic groups.

This Act was not without controversy. In opposing it, Senator Lyman Trumbull complained that “it opens the whole continent of Africa, where are to be found the most degraded examples of man that exist on the face of the earth, pagans, cannibals, men who worship beasts, who do not compare in intelligence at all with the Chinese.”

In 1898, the Supreme Court ruled in United States vs Wong Kim Ark that a child born to Chinese parents was a citizen by birthright under the Constitution. This precedent has been the source of considerable controversy to the present day, but for our purposes here it created an environment whereby any child born in America of parents from any race, or from any religion—including Islam—was automatically a citizen. Later courts ruled that this protection includes even children of illegal immigrants.

The complete history of US immigration policy and its effect on the Muslim world is a complex and interesting topic all by itself, but I can’t go into all the details here today. Arab immigration to the United States was barely a trickle from the 1870s.

One antebellum Muslim of note is Ali al-Hajaya, an Ottoman of Greek and Syrian origins who was brought in in 1856 by the US Army as part of an ultimately failed attempt to introduce camels into the American West. His name–Ali al-Hajaya–was Americanized to “Hi Jolly.” The US Camel Corps met with mixed success, but with the outbreak of the Civil War the Army was too distracted to continue the experiment. Hi Jolly eventually married, had two sons, and died in Arizona in 1902.

The trickle of Arab immigration became a steady stream beginning in the 1870s when over 100,000 Arabs from the Ottoman Empire (mostly Syrians, and mostly Christians) came to the US. This flow was staunched with the Immigration Act of 1917, which barred entry to persons from vast swaths of territory, including Indonesia, the Philippines, Southeast Asia, Central Asia, the Indian subcontinent, the Arabian Peninsula, the Middle East and Turkey.

People from Mediterranean Africa were still allowed, but they still faced unofficial and official discrimination. In 1942, a Yemeni Muslim named Ahmed Hassan was denied citizenship on the basis that, being of dark complexion, he was not considered white under the Naturalization Act of 1790. However, in 1944, a judge in Massachusetts ruled that an Arab named Mohamed Mohriez was eligible for citizenship, agreeing that Arabs should be considered an offshoot of the white race.

Things changed dramatically with the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 (which abolished the race-based immigration quota system and replaced it with a system that prioritized refugees, people with special skills, and those with family members living in the United States. It also forbade discrimination in the issuance of immigrant visas on the basis of race, sex, nationality, place of birth, or place of residence.)

From the mid-20thcentury forward, the number of Muslims coming to the United States increased significantly. Before 1900, the total number of Muslims in American was easily less that .01%. By 1951 there were about 200,000, or about 0.1%. Today there are an estimated 3.3 million Muslims in the United States, or about 1% of the population.

The first purpose-built mosque in the United States was erected in 1929 by a small group of Syrian-Lebanese homesteaders in Ross, North Dakota (current population: 97). The oldest standing purpose-built mosque is the Mother Mosque of America, erected in 1934 in Cedar Rapids, Iowa and still operational.

By the 1950s there were around 20 active mosques in America, including in New York City, Los Angeles, Chicago, and Dearborn, Michigan, where many Muslims settled to work for Henry Ford. Today about 40,000 of Dearborn’s 94,000 residents are Arab Americans. The Arab American National Museum, which opened in 2005, is located in Dearborn. And in 2010 Lebanese-born Dearborn resident Rima Fakih became the first Muslim Miss USA. In a supreme irony, the Miss USA pageant was owned at the time by a businessman named Donald J. Trump. (As a footnote, Miss Fakih converted to Christianity in 2016.)

Today, Muslims in America are even more demographically diverse than their Christian counterparts. About one-third are from the Indian subcontinent; about one-fourth are from the Middle East, and about one-fourth are of African or African-American origin. Three-quarters of American Muslims today are either immigrants or the children of immigrants.

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This series of posts is adapted from a presentation I delivered to the Atlanta Freethought Society on May 13, 2018. I should offer the following caveats: I am neither an historian nor a scholar; therefore, this information is admittedly incomplete and may contain errors. I welcome any corrections or comments.

Part 8: Black Islam

While imported Islam may have died out among African slaves and their immediate descendants, a new form of homegrown Islam sprung up in the early 20thcentury. Not connected to mainstream Islam, these various sects of so-called “Black Islam” were cult-like organizations, led by charismatic “prophets” who mixed traditional Islamic beliefs with pseudo-historic, pseudo-scientific innovations. Many rejected Christianity as the religion of white oppressors, and embraced (at least some form of) Islam as the true religion of Africans.

Most notable of these organizations was the Nation of Islam, founded in 1930 by Wallace Fard Muhammad, a mysterious character, usually described as a light-skinned black man. He sought to “teach the downtrodden and defenseless Black people a thorough Knowledge of God and of themselves, and to put them on the road to Self-Independence with a superior culture and higher civilization than they had previously experienced.”

Muhammad chose as one of his protégés a young man from Sandersville, Georgia named Elijah Robert Poole, best known to history as Elijah Muhammad. Elijah Muhammad eventually became leader of the organization after Wallace Fard Muhammad disappeared unexpectedly in May 1933.

The Nation of Islam held that Wallace Fard Muhammad was a prophet, and later that he was Almighty God himself. The Nation’s doctrines are a weird mishmash of militant race politics, pseudo-science, conspiracy theories, and spiritual mumbo-jumbo that would make L. Ron Hubbard blush.

According to the Nation of Islam, the Earth is 76 trillion years old. (That’s trillion, not billion. Take that, Carl Sagan.) Black people are the descendants of the original humans, the tribe of Shabazz, who appeared when the planet separated into the Earth and the Moon 66 trillion years ago. White people are devils created as part of a eugenics program initiated 6,600 years ago on the Greek island of Patmos by a mad scientist named Yakub. These blue-eyed, blonde-haired devils spread across the world, conquering black and brown people through violence and deception. The Nation of Islam also believed in establishing a black separatist state.

Prominent adherents to the Nation of Islam included influential civil rights activists such as Malcolm X and boxing champion Muhammad Ali. Both men rejected the Nation of Islam’s teachings later in life. Malcolm X converted to mainstream Sunni Islam and split from the Nation in 1964. He was assassinated by his former brethren in 1965. Muhammad Ali also rejected the Nation of Islam, and eventually embraced Sufi mysticism.

After Elijah’s death in 1975, his son Warith Deen Mohammed embarked on a radical reformation—indeed, a radical realignment toward orthodox Islam—of the Nation. He rejected the divinity of Wallace Fard Muhammad, abandoned the weird and militant social and political teachings, and engaged in outreach with mainstream Muslim communities. The organization, with its 400 mosques, was eventually renamed the American Society of Muslims.

But that wasn’t the end of the Nation of Islam. From its ashes arose a second incarnation under the leadership of Louis Farrakhan. Farrakhan has made headlines over the last 40 years for his incendiary rhetoric, including anti-semitic and homophobic remarks. (Not to mention his close relationship with the late Libyan dictator Muammar Khaddafi.)

And although membership in the Nation of Islam is estimated at only 20 to 50,000 people, in 1995 Farrakhan organized the Million Man March, which drew hundreds of thousands (if not exactly a million) demonstrators to the National Mall, and featured several prominent Christian or secular celebrities, including civil rights icon Rosa Parks, author Maya Angelou, the Reverend Jesse Jackson, and the Reverend Jeremiah Wright (he of later controversy involving Barack Obama).

The Nation of Islam continues today, and is even more farcical than before. In 2010 Farrakhan endorsed Dianetics, and has said that white Americans should flock to Scientology.

For good or bad, the Nation’s influence has been eclipsed by more mainstream Muslim religious organizations.

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This series of posts is adapted from a presentation I delivered to the Atlanta Freethought Society on May 13, 2018. I should offer the following caveats: I am neither an historian nor a scholar; therefore, this information is admittedly incomplete and may contain errors. I welcome any corrections or comments.

Part 7: Alexander Russell Webb

Until the rise of homegrown Black Islam in the early 20th century, very, very few Americans converted to Islam. I find this quite surprising, given that the 19th century was a time of incredible religious innovation in the United States. The 1800s gave rise to new movements like Mormonism, spiritualism, and transcendentalism—even atheism and agnosticism—not to mention the countless schisms and reorganizations that occurred within mainstream American Christianity.

But the only white Islamic convert of any note is a man named Alexander Russell Webb.

Born in Massachusetts in 1846, a newspaper publisher by trade, he was appointed as a consular representative in the Philippines in 1887 by President Grover Cleveland. It was while in the Philippines that Webb was first introduced to Islam, and by 1888 he publicly declared himself a convert. His immediate family converted as well.

In 1893 he returned to the United States and started a pro-Islam newspaper called Moslem World. That same year, Webb was the sole representative for Islam at the first World Parliament of Religions, a noble attempt to create a dialogue of faiths, at the world’s fair in Chicago. Webb also founded a short-lived mosque–on Broadway, of all places.

Webb died in 1916 and in the end, his influence was fleeting. The last of several Islamic study groups he started around the country shut down during World War II.

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This series of posts is adapted from a presentation I delivered to the Atlanta Freethought Society on May 13, 2018. I should offer the following caveats: I am neither an historian nor a scholar; therefore, this information is admittedly incomplete and may contain errors. I welcome any corrections or comments.

Part 6: Muslim Slaves

While many of the Founders expressed tolerance for Islam, they expressed no such compassion for the only followers of Islam they would ever meet: African slaves. Of the hundreds of thousands of Africans abducted and shipped to America as part of the slave trade, as many as 30% were Muslim.

For good or ill, most of them either abandoned their religion or practiced it in the privacy of their hearts. Inevitably, given the privations of slave life and the pressure from Christian slaveholders, the children and grandchildren of Muslim slaves were raised as Christians.

While the vast majority of Muslim slaves lived and died in anonymity, a few of them are noted by history. Among the more celebrated Muslims of the slavery period are:

  • Ayuba Suleiman Diallo (1701-1773), a Senegalese who was brought to Maryland as a slave and eventually freed and returned to his homeland with the help of James Oglethorpe, the founder of Georgia.
  • Yarrow Mamout (~1736 -1823), a slave freed in 1796 who settled in Washington, DC, owned land, had shares in a bank, and as a result of which recovered from bankruptcy three times.  He was so well known locally at the time that his portrait was painted TWICE, once by Charles Willson Peale (who also painted George Washington) and another time by an artist named James Alexander Simpson. Peale wrote of Mamout, “he professes to be a mahometan, and is often seen & heard in the Streets singing Praises to God — and conversing with him, he said man is no good unless his religion comes from the heart . . . The acquaintance of him often banter him about eating Bacon and drinking Whiskey — but Yarrow says it is no good to eat Hog — & drink whiskey is very bad.”
  • Omar Ibn Said (1770-1864), another Senegalese and Islamic scholar who was enslaved in the Carolinas, and who wrote FOURTEEN Arabic transcriptions from the Quran from memory while serving as a slave in the South. Some of his papers are owned today by the University of North Carolina in Chapel Hill.
  • Ben Ali Muhammad, also called Bilali Mohammed, a slave brought to Sapelo Island, Georgia in 1802 or 1803, served as the imam for a congregation of 80 fellow slaves and even wrote a 13-page commentary on Islamic law and conduct that is currently owned by the University of Georgia.

By the way, nearly 300 Muslim last names appear in the rolls of soldiers who served in the American Civil War. Unfortunately, I do not have a breakdown of how many served in the Union vs the Confederacy, how many were slave vs freedmen, how many were immigrants vs born in America, etc.

At the very least it shows us the small but perceptible participation of American Muslims throughout the country’s history.

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This series of posts is adapted from a presentation I delivered to the Atlanta Freethought Society on May 13, 2018. I should offer the following caveats: I am neither an historian nor a scholar; therefore, this information is admittedly incomplete and may contain errors. I welcome any corrections or comments.

Part 5: The Barbary Wars

In 1777 Morocco’s sultan Muhammad III declared that American ships could safely use Moroccan ports, and in 1786 Morocco became the first country to recognize the independence of the United States. The Moroccan–American Treaty of Friendship was negotiated by Thomas Barclay, and signed by Thomas Jefferson, John Adams and the sultan.

Despite this early friendship with the Islamic world, the United States soon found itself in conflict with Muslim states. For years the so-called Barbary States—Tunis, Algiers and Tripoli–had engaged in piracy, kidnapping and the outright enslavement of Europeans captured on the open sea. Many European governments, as well as the newly minted United States, paid out what amounted to protection money for their merchant fleets in the Mediterranean.

In 1786, when Thomas Jefferson and John Adams were stationed overseas as American commissioners, they visited Tripoli’s ambassador in London, Sidi Haji Abdrahaman, for the purpose of discussing the justification of these payments.

Adams later wrote: “We took the liberty to make some inquiries concerning the Grounds of their pretentions to make war upon Nations who had done them no Injury, and observed that we considered all mankind as our friends who had done us no wrong, nor had given us any provocation. The Ambassador answered us that it was founded on the Laws of their Prophet, that it was written in their Koran, that all nations who should not have acknowledged their authority were sinners, that it was their right and duty to make war upon them wherever they could be found, and to make slaves of all they could take as Prisoners, and that every Musselman who should be slain in battle was sure to go to Paradise.”

For some time after that, the United States continued to pay this tribute, but eventually the sums became so burdensome the government decided it was cheaper just to go to war. Between 1801 and 1815 the US fought two wars with the Barbary States. (Indeed, Decatur, Georgia is named for Commodore Stephen Decatur, who was crucial to the successful conclusion of the Second Barbary War.)

One outcome of the Barbary Wars was the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the United States of America and the Bey and Subjects of Tripoli of Barbary, commonly called the Treaty of Tripoli. It was signed in 1796, then ratified unanimously and without debate by the US Senate, and signed by President John Adams in 1797. What’s most notable about this document is the text included in Article 11:

“As the Government of the United States of America is not, in any sense, founded on the Christian religion; as it has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility, of Mussulmen; and as the said States never entered into any war or act of hostility against any Mahometan nation, it is declared by the parties that no pretext arising from religious opinions shall ever produce an interruption of the harmony existing between the two countries.”

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